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  1. #191
    III.How Hu Yuebang got into and out of power

    1)Hu Yuebang became general secretary of central secretariat of CPC

    HuYuebang (11/20/1915—04/15/1989) was from a poor peasant family andjoined the communist party in 1933. When Hua Guofeng was forced toresign in June, 1981, there arose the question who would be thechairman of the party? Deng Xiaoping, 77 of age at the time, wantedto be the chairman, but Ye Jianying did not support him because hedid not like the resignation of Hua. Someone nominated Ye as thechairman, but Ye declined because he was over 80 then. Since HuYuebang had a lot of merits in his work to the party, he was agreedto be the chairman of the party. Zhao Ziyang (10/17/1919—01/17/2005)was made a vice chairman of the party. After Hua resigned all hispositions, Zhao was made the premier of the state council. Then HuYuebang proposed to have Hua as a vice chairman of the party and hisproposal was agreed upon. Deng was the chairman of the party militarycommittee.
    Inthe 12thparty conference, Hu Yuebang wanted to resign from the position ofthe chairman of the party and proposed Deng to be the chairman, andHu himself to be a vice chairman. Deng proposed Ye to be thechairman, but Ye declined once more and said, “You two dwarfs canwork together for the party.” (Deng Xxiaoping and Hu Yuebang bothhad short stature.) But Hu insisted in not being the chairman of theparty. He could take the position of the general secretary of theparty. Then the position of the party chairman was vacant for manyyears. The general secretary took charge of the party affairs.
    WhenHu had been the minister of the organization ministry of the centralcommittee of CPC, he had done a great job in the correction of manywrong cases, the biggest one being the case of the so-calledanti-rightists movement, which involved over 550,000 rightists.

  2. #192
    2)How Hu Yuebang was forced to resign from general secretary position

    Thecause of Hu's resignation was his different opinion with Deng aboutDeng's full retirement from power. Since Mao had stayed in power tilldeath, Deng likewise wished to have power as long as possible. In Mayof 1986, Deng made a false move, a typical two-faced person like Mao.Maybe, he just learned it from Mao. Deng invited Hu to come to hishome for the discussion of the personnel arrangement of the partypositions in the 13thparty conference. Hu said that he was over 70 and must retire in the13thparty conference. Deng said, “Chen Yun, Li Xiannian, and I will allretire. You (Hu) can half retire, no longer to be the generalsecretary, but still can be the chairman of the military committee orof the nation for a term. Then you'll see what to do.”
    Onthe 22ndday of August, 1986, Deng had a birthday party for his 81stanniversary. At the party Deng said that he would retire in the 13thparty conference. Hu believed it. The stupid dwarf, Hu, was no matchfor the wise dwarf, Deng. In October, on the meeting of the centralpolitical bureau, Hu openly said that he supported Deng to retire andthen other old cadres would retire, too, so as to make way for theyounger comrades. He added that he would retire from the office ofthe general secretary at the end of the term. Some old cadres agreedwith Hu, including Wan Li. When Deng asked Wan why Hu wanted him toretire, which showed that Deng never actually wanted to retire, Wansaid that Hu might just have a slip of the tongue. Deng asked againif Hu wanted to show himself off by so doing. Wan replied that Hu wasnot such a sort of person.
    Anyway,on the 10thday of January, 1987, on an informal meeting of the political bureau,some of Deng's supporters criticized Hu and asked him to resign rightaway. Therefore, He had to resign on the spot. But people rememberedhim for his integrity. In the 13thparty conference, he was elected the member of the central committeeof CPC by over 1,800 votes, and was elected the member of the centralpolitical bureau with almost the full votes less 7.

  3. #193
    Chapter21 The slaughter of students on TianAnMen Square

    I.The background of the TianAnMen event

    In1986, there was a democratic atmosphere on the political stage inChina. As the economical reform had an obstacle from the politicalsystem and the economical system, the reform, though somewhat havingsome achievements in the countryside, met with difficulties incities. Prices of goods rose. Inflation happened. Officials becamecorrupt. Belief crisis worsened. Therefore, there originated theconflict of two different opinions among the party leaders. One wasto support the reform and the other objected the reform by opposingthe so-called bourgeois liberalization. Deng at first tended to theformer, but then turned over to the latter. He might be afraid thatthe bourgeois liberalization would endanger the tyrannical rule ofthe communist party.
    Afterthe resignation of Hu Yuebang, Zhao Ziyang became the generalsecretary. Li Peng was made the premier of the state council. On the13thday of May, 1987, Zhao Ziyang, instructed by Deng, gave a speech toactually cease the anti-bourgeois-liberalization movement. Dengchanged his attitude again. At the suggestions of some economists,Zhao tried to carry on the reform from the prices of goods. The goodsprice reform caused a stampede of purchase that had an impact to theprice control. Those who opposed the reform thereby persuaded Deng tostop. Criminal cases of all kinds increased.
    Collegestudents had the sharpest sense to the change of the politicalsituations and the social conditions. Some renowned intellectuals,especially the university professors, demanded to release all thepolitical prisoners. On the 6thday of January, 1989, Fang Lizi, a famous scientist, wrote an openletter to Deng for amnesty of political prisoners, especially WeiJingsheng, who later was allowed to leave China for the US.

  4. #194
    Inuniversities in Beijing at the time, there was a wall,on whichstudents could openly post their opinions written on paper stuck onit. Since all the opinions could be openly expressed there, the wallwas called “Democracy Wall.” The famous wall was the XidanDemocracy Wall, located in Xidan of Beijing, not within any of theuniversity campus. It had developed from the big-character paper inthe cultural revolution stuck on the wall. In 1978, a lot of articlesand poems were posted there. On the 16thday of November, an article posted with an alias of Mechanician #0538conveyed the criticism of the historic mistakes of Mao and requestedto abolish the tyranny, and to have democracy and the freedom ofspeech. There gathered sometimes as many as more than 10,000 people,including foreign press.
    Onthe 8thday of January, 1979, Fu Yuehua, a female textile worker, had ademonstration on TianAnMen Square with thousands of other people forthe human rights. They held up a banner bearing the words: Democracyand human rights. On the 9thday of January, Fu Yuehua was apprehended. On the 22ndday of March, 1979, BeijingDaily published anarticle “Human rights are not the proletarian slogan.” On the25thday of March, Wei Jingsheng posted his article on Xidan DemocracyWall titled “Democracy or new tyranny” to openly criticize Denggoing the tyrannical road. On the 29thday, Wei was arrested. The reason for the arrest of Wei made open bythe government was that Wei sold military information to foreignersat the price of 20 yuan of Chinese currency. It meant that Wei was sodestitute in need of 20 yuan. Many Chinese people had 20 yuan at thattime. Who would care for 20 yuan? And did they mean that Wei did notknow the importance of military information and that he would sell itfor only 20 yuan? No wonder. The communist government always tellslies. On the same day, Beijing government put up a public notice toprohibit this, prohibit that, anything to criticize the governmentand the party. They also forbade the posting of the big word paperand demonstrations.
    Onthe Second Session of the Fifth National People's Congress in June,Hu Yuebang said that some comrades criticized him for supportingliberalization which would encourage anarchism, but he wanted tomaintain his own viewpoint. As to the apprehension of Wei Jingshengand others, Hu said that for these brave people, they did not care tobe imprisoned. If Wei Jingsheng died in the prison, he would bedeemed a martyr in the eye of people. Hu implied that it was notworth letting Wei die in prison. Hu's hint meant that politicalprisoners were always maltreated in jail.

  5. #195
    II.The fuse to university students protesting on TianAnMen Square

    Onthe 15thday of April, 1989, Hu Yuebang died of heart disease. He was thoughtby Chinese people, especially university students, as a firmpolitical reformer. With the termination of the chaotic culturalrevolution, people pinned hope on Deng to go the capitalist road, butDeng disappointed them by going the capitalist road financially only,and refusing to go the capitalist road politically. Thedisappointment of Deng also lay in his rejection to redress theanti-rightist movement as a whole and in his forcing Hu to resign.
    Fromthe 15thday to the 17thday, people kept coming to the TianAnMen Square and put wreaths,white banners, white flowers and paper couplets around the Monumentof People's Heroes in memory of Hu. On the 16thday, a student from Beijing University quietly sat there on a smallstool he had brought with a long slip of white paper on him bearingthe words: “Eternal farewell, (Hu) Yuebang!” In many universitiesin Shanghai and other cities, students put up slogans in memory ofHu. Everything was in order.
    OnTianAnMen Square, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon on the 17thday, over 20 students played mourning music and shouted somethinglike “Long live freedom!” “Long live democracy!” “Long livelaw system!” (In communist China, law is only a decoration. Theparty decides everything even against the law they make.) And someother slogans. At 4:30, a parade came into the square, singingL'Internationale. Then they dispersed quietly. Round 7 o'clock, about3,000 people gathered there in memorial activities. Past 8 o'clock,the memorial service of the crowds reached its climax. Many studentschanted poems of their own composition and applause soundedvehemently. Just past midnight on the 18thday, more than 1,000 students from Beijing University came, joined bystudents of other universities, totaling 3,000. They yelled withsomething like “Long live freedom!” “Long live democracy!”and “Down with bureaucratists!” while singing L'Internationale.

  6. #196
    Inthe early morning of the 18thday, hundreds of students sat before the Great Hall of the Peopledemanding the reception of the leaders to have a talk. They made7-items requisition:
    1,re-evaluate the merits and demerits of Hu Yuebang and acknowledge hispoints of view in democracy, freedom, leniency and harmony.
    2,thoroughly negate decisions of anti-bourgeois-liberalization andclearing spiritual pollution. Redress the wrong cases forintellectuals.
    3,yearly income from all sources of the national leaders and theirfamily members must be open to people. Oppose corruption andembezzlement.
    4,lift the ban and permit people to run private newspapers. Havefreedom of speech.
    5,increase the educational expenditure and pay of intellectuals.
    6,denounce the 10 regulations issued by Beijing government aboutdemonstration.
    7,demand government leaders to make open self-criticisms to people fortheir mistakes and re-elect part of the leaders through democraticmethod.
    Thestudents demanded that the government should put their requisitionson newspapers and make an open answer to people. Would the partyleaders meet the wishes of the students? Surely never. Most Chineserulers from the history always resorted to arms in their dealing withcommon people. How could the communist party be an exception, thoughthey said that they served people? Besides, all the requisitions werewhat they hated. They hated democracy, freedom of speech, ofpublication and of demonstration. The requisition they could notaccept mostly was to let their illegal income open to public.Supposing if they yielded to demand of students, it would make themlose face. In Chinese tradition, face is very important to theindividual, especially to those in power. They will never do anythingto lose face if they can help it. Moreover, they were never lenientto common people. Therefore, the result was foreseeable andpredictable. The bravery of the students was much admired by theworld as they certainly knew that when they were doing so, they weretaking the risk of imprisonment and even death.
    Atthe time, Zhao Ziyang was the general secretary. According to theoryand rules, he should be in charge of everything in the country. Heshould have the final say. So he sent someone to receive therepresentatives of the students and accept their letter of petition.However, he could not make the final decision about theirrequisitions. He had those old cadres over him or behind him. Thoseold cadres controlled the army while he did not. In communist Chinaonly those in control of the army had the final say to anything andeverything.

  7. #197
    Inthe night of the 19thday of April, 3,000 students gathered before Xinhua Gate, which isthe entrance to Zhongnanhai, where the party leaders lived. Therewere also 7,000 spectators. The whole day, no leaders came out to seethe students. So they yelled, “Come out, Li Peng!” Li Peng wasthe premier at the time. Leaders of the party and government dividedinto two different opinions towards the students. Zhao, the generalsecretary, wanted to have a talk with students while Li, the premier,and those old cadres, refused to talk with those youngsters. Theleaders of Beijing City handed in a report to the central committeeof CPC in a negative attitude.
    From11 o'clock at night of the 20thday, to 1 o'clock in early morning of the 21stday, students of Beijing University had a meeting to decide to set upthe “Preparatory Committee of Solidarity Student Association ofBeijing University” to organize the united action. They madeanother demand to release Wei Jingsheng. They contacted the studentsof other universities to set up a common organization for thepetition. It was because three students, when returning to dorm afterthe memorial activities in the night of the 19thday, were attacked by police and one of the students, Wang Zhinyongwas severely hurt. The students required to punish those attackingthe students. They refused to go to classes like on strike. Somehundred students from Tianjin or other cities came to Beijing to joinin the memorial activities in support to Beijing students. Evenprofessors, writers, the press, and people of other callings,supported the students.
    Inthe morning of the 22ndday of April, there was a funeral for Hu Yuebang in the People'sHall. During the whole process, till Hu's hearse went to thegraveyard, everything was in order. Students quietly mourned. Threestudents knelt before the People's Hall, holding the letter ofpetition, because no one came out to take the letter from them yet.In front of them there lined up armed police and soldiers. There weremore spectators than students. The crowds had somewhat body touchwith the police. Some students came to tell crowds to stand back andorder restored. Then two men came out to talk with the students. Atround 1:30 in the afternoon, students went back to their dorms, butthey still refused to have classes, as they were waiting for thereply from the government. News went round that the 38tharmy was maneuvering to Beijing. At 2 o'clock in the afternoon on the23rdday of April, there appeared the declaration of the ph.d. students inthe People's University of China, which read as follows:

  8. #198
    1,entirely support the 7-items requisitions of the university studentsin Beijing, firmly support all the patriotic democratic movements ofpeople of all classes.
    2,all ph.d. students join the strike from this moment.
    3,(now that it is) “collective leadership, and the mistakes frompolicies made collectively,” (words of Li Peng) leaders shouldresign collectively to show the honesty of the “collectiveresponsibilities.” (words of Li Peng.) (This requisition meant thatLi Peng's cabinet must resign collectively.)
    4,strongly demand that all the leaders over 75 years old, either in theparty, or in the government, or in the army, should resign.
    5,stop violence, protect human rights. The army should not interferewith national affairs.
    6,the expenditure of the CPC should not be paid from the nationaltreasury.
    7,lift the ban to newspapers. Freedom of the press. Permit privatenewspapers, radio and TV stations.
    8,let people from different classes organize a probity committee tocheck the corruption among the leaders of the party and thegovernment. Investigate the unlawful business activities of thechildren and relatives of the old cadres and publicize the results.
    WhenLi Peng was reported about it, he said that this declaration wasopenly to challenge the party. In other cities students joined in thepatriotic movement to save China from corruption. In XiAn, somestudents in the demonstration were beaten and wounded. Some evendisappeared after arrest. In Shanghai, Jiang Zeming, the municipalparty secretary ordered Qin Benli, the chief editor of WorldEconomic Herald to bedismissed from office because he supported the students' movement.Jiang's suppression of the WorldEconomic Herald wasmuch appreciated by the old cadres and that was why he was later tobe selected as the general secretary to replace Zhao Ziyang. HuJintao was selected as the successor of Jiang Zeming because hesuppressed the Tibetans when he was the party secretary there. Fromthis, the world can see that the Chinese communist party selectedtheir successors by the rule that the successors should be firmlyagainst the people, never for the people. Those for the people mustgo down from power like Hu Yuebang and Zhao Ziyang.

  9. #199
    Onthe 26thday of April, the PeopleDaily published aneditorial to define the students' petition as a riot. The bugle forkilling sounded, but the students ignored. Maybe, they were too youngto be aware of such dirty political plots. A student told his familythat he would sacrifice his dear life to save the country. Hedetermined that once he left home, he would never come back alive. Onthe 27thday, besides in Beijing, students in many main cities helddemonstrations. Under the approval of Deng, a tank division of the38thcorps maneuvered towards Beijing. But at the time, no soldiersinterfered with students' demonstrations. Anyway, party leaders haddifferent opinions about the students' movement. The generalsecretary Zhao maintained the idea to talk with students to solve theproblems and to have press reform for freedom of report while LiPeng, the premier, opposed it, supported by Deng and old cadres.
    Onthe 4thday of May, 1919, university students in Peking had a demonstration.Therefore, the 4thday of May was set as Youth Day when the communist party began theirrule in mainland, China. Every Youth Day, students will have someactivities for celebration. Now the Youth Day would soon come in1989. The authorities knew that students would have a parade. So thegeneral secretary Zhao would make a speech. The premier Li wantedZhao to add “anti-bourgeois liberalization” in Zhao's speech, butZhao said that it was not appropriate to add such a phrase in thespeech at the time. Now it's time to appease but not to enragestudents. The reasonable speech was welcomed by students, but someold cadres criticized Zhao for so saying. They wanted strong words tothreaten students so that students could be quieted and go back totheir desks. Therefore some leaders from Beijing governmentcriticized the letter of petition handed in by students and declaredthat there were some evil conspirators behind all this. That was notthe truth. Students could not accept it. As a matter of fact, this isthe old ruse the communist party often uses. Whenever there are someriots among people for maintaining their lawful rights harmed by thelocal governments or those supported by local governments, thecommunist party will say that there must be some internationalplotters or imperialists behind the riots.
    ThisMay-4thwas the 70thanniversary of May-4thmovement in 1919. Students in Beijing and in other main cities heldparades. Even newspapers staff took part in. General secretary Zhaogave an impromptu speech in order to assuage the students. Butpremier Li thought that Zhao's speech was against the spirit of theApril-26theditorial, which had already defined the students' movement as ariot. In the communist notion, any riot should be suppressed byforce, not smoothed off by talk and yielding.
    Inthe afternoon of the 9thday of May, two newspaper reporters handed in a letter of petitionwith 1,013 signatures to the leaders in charge of the party'spropaganda work to ask for a talk how to restore Qin Benli to be thechief editor of the WorldEconomic Herald. Ofcourse, it had no result.

  10. #200
    III.The students' hunger strike began
    Sincethe government did not give students a reasonable answer, thestudents decided to go on the hunger strike. Their slogan was “Ilove food, but I love truth more.” They did not say how long thehunger strike would be. A student said that it would be timeless,meaning till they got satisfactory answer from the government.
    Onthe 13thday of May, in the morning, they made a Declaration of Hunger Strike,which read in the following (extract):
    Inthe sunshiny May, we go on hunger strike. In the best time ofyouthfulness, we have to leave behind us all the beauties of life. Weare so unwilling, so reluctant. ...
    Democracyin life is the greatest emotion for living. Liberty is the humanrights endowed by Heaven with birth. So for these we will use ouryoung lives to exchange. Is this the pride of the Chinese nation? …
    Weare still children, we are still children! Mother China, open thyeyes to look at thy children! Although hunger's mercilesslydestroying their young lives, and Death's approaching them, how canstthou not be moved?
    Wedon't want to die. We want to live happily, because we are in theprime of our years. We don't want to die. We want to learn more, asour motherland is still so short of things. We are not so heartlessto die thus, leaving our motherland behind like this. Death is notwhat we are in pursuit of. But if death of someone, or some ones canmake most people live better, can make our motherland flourishing, wehave no reason to treasure our lives.
    Fathersand mothers, when we are suffering from hunger, do not lament. Unclesand aunties, when we bid farewell to our lives, do not cry. We haveonly one wish to make you live better. We have only one request:don't forget what we are going after is not death. …
    Farewell,our people, please allow us to have to thus end our lives to show ourloyalty! ...”
    Amongthose on hunger strike was the world-renowned Liu Xiaobo, the winnerof Nobel peace prize. The communist government refused him to bepresent at the ceremony and receive it. In the evening of that day,300 professors and young teachers of Beijing university wrote an openletter to the central committee of CPC, the Standing Committee of theNational People's Congress, and the state council. On the 14thday, part of the teaching staff of some universities proposedteachers' strike. Some government leaders did have a talk with thestudent representatives, who requested that for a good commence ofthe talk, the first question that should be solved was that thisevent was a patriotic movement to save the country from corruptionand embezzlement, not a riot against the party and government. Butthe government leaders did not make a positive reply so that the talkcould not be continued.


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